The ED Cabinet: An end of history

Richard Mahomva
Opinion has naturally been split with regards to Cabinet appointments made by President Emmerson Mnangagwa.

But to be fair, the new Cabinet appointments reflect a reasonable bargain between the State and the electorate.

From another perspective, the appointments represent a rebranded structure of governance as this marks a departure from what others have referred to as the ‘recycling of old wood’.

The 2018 Cabinet is also reflective of the much anticipated distribution of roles between the ruling party stalwarts and experts drawn from other sectors outside Zanu-PF. It also has an even demographic spread which responds to the general clamour for youth and women’s inclusion in policy-making.

Most importantly, the structure of the new Cabinet demystifies the perception of Government top posts as rewards for loyalty, which often opened up the State to criticism over ostensible nepotism.

At the same time, this has neutralised the overrated rhetoric on the militarisation of the State post the November 2017 transition, which led to the resignation of former President Robert Mugabe.

Analysts are agreed that the new Cabinet represents an inter-gender and inter-generational balance, which, in essence, was the subject of political debate before the July 30 harmonised elections.

Political scientists and analysts also agree that the new-look Cabinet marks the beginning of an epoch-making era that could redefine the ethos of the country’s contemporary politics. Such a consensus on the structural realignment of Government is in tandem with the philosophical premise identified by political theorist Francis Fukuyama in his 2011 work “The Origins of Political Order: From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution”.

Fukuyama submitted in his work that modern politics have reached the “end of history”. However, what he terms “history” in his book neither refers to epochal shifts nor the flow of political events.

Instead, this implies that the successive stages of societal quest for political liberties across the globe had reached its final stage.

This perspective can also be likened to the Marxist prognosis of socialism as the final stage of human civilisation.

While Marxism has been criticised for being utopian, Fukuyama’s argument finds traction in the reality of how liberal democracy now defines the ultimate political culture of the modern State, notwithstanding the cultural super-imposition that comes with the adoption of Western democracy as a universal benchmark for governance. Fortunately or unfortunately, Fukuyama posits that there are no future regimes beyond modern democracy and capitalism.

Fukuyama argues that this climax of history under the auspices of modern democracy aptly fits into the key tenets of human security and liberties; as well as the universally embraced turn to capitalism.

Guided by this perspective, I submit that the era preceding the Second Republic marked Zimbabwe’s experience of the “end of history” – the history of cronyism, nepotism, mal-administration, corruption, limitations to democracy, governance equity restraints and the subtle exclusion of youth and woman in policy-making. As one would recall, part of the election discourse was dominated by discussions on the ‘generational consensus’ mantra, whose inadequacy was to limit matters of a generational interest to a single political party and attaching a particular face to that proposition. Nonetheless, this parochial view to unpacking a national question undermined the logic of this so-called ‘consensus’.

The other limitation of this narrative was its pre-occupation with “blacklisting” a particular age-group in Zimbabwean politics by calling them the “old guard”.

The same narrative was used in the futile attempt to discount Zanu-PF’s relevance.

One academic, Professor Eldred Masunungure, was, however, able to see through this rhetoric. Some time this year, he remarked that “incumbency and experience will defeat youthfulness”.

As predicted, Chamisa, the leader of the MDC-Alliance, lost the election. But the current Government restructure is sensitive to age and gender.

From the recent Cabinet appointments, it has now become clear that Zimbabwe has transitioned to a merit-based system.

This shows statecraft and a marked departure from the old sytem.

Zanu-PF’s renewal

On the other hand, the fact that some former Cabinet Ministers have been reassigned to serve the ruling party is indicative of how Zanu-PF is transforming itself into a institution that moves with the times.

It affords the party time to competently craft solid policy blueprints. Further, the recruitment of former ministers as full-time workers represent an addition of new skills.

With wide consultative mechanisms being employed from the ward to provincial structures, Zanu-PF will be able to tap grassroots support. By continuing to define itself as a party that espouses nationalist values that are grounded in history, the revolutionary party will naturally be able to spread its influence beyond card-carrying members.

It will also be able to assume its historic nationalist relevance of being a pro-people movement. It is worth noting that the ruling party has now recruited people who have acquitted themselves in the public and private sector.

This defines an “end of history”, but what needs to be done for that history to fully come to an end? First, corruption in the high places must be visibly eradicated.

Beyond speeches and resolutions, we must work hand-in-glove in fighting the rot in the public and private sector.

This fits with the pursuit of the values that gave birth to the Second Republic – the need to extricate the country from a fast deteriorating social, political and economic situation. Our parastatals must be engines for harnessing capital that meaningfully contributes to the national purse. This means there is need for creative minds to run parastatals.

Industry must be re-tooled

Government must create a policy environment which naturally capitalises our industry.

This will naturally create jobs.

Captains of industry must also be alive to the need to create opportunities for strategic partnerships with foreign counterparts in their shared and respective areas of specialisation. While a policy friendly environment is key and unavoidable in setting the pace for economic transformation, the retooling of our industry also takes the form of investments in relevant intellectual capital.

There is need for uninterrupted and dedicated investment in scientific innovations that will effectively grow our industry.

Our industrial sector must take the lead in inventions and universities must play a crucial role in ensuring that our engineering departments are not ornamental.

This is part of the many remedies that Zimbabwe needs to excel under the new system of governance.

Pamberi neZimbabwe!

Richard Mahomva is a political-scientist with avid interest in classic and modern political theory. He also has a distinct passion around the architecture of governance in Africa and is a literary aficionado.